19th September 2022, 18:00
JAMES CORBETT: Welcome friends, James Corbett here, CorbettReport.com, in a conversation that is being recorded on the 19th of November 2021 here in Japan. And throughout the past couple of years of this generated crisis I have received, as you might imagine, many, many requests to do some sort of deep dive or exposé on the face of this generated crisis in the United States, Anthony Fauci. But as a Canadian in Japan, I have never felt that I am best situated to do such a deep dive. Luckily, I can do the next best thing . . . actually, an even better thing. I can bring on someone who has done exactly just such an exposé and has just released that to the public. I am talking about, of course, thought-criminal extraordinaire and a proud member of the "Disinformation Dozen" (I say that ironically, of course), Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. of ChildrensHealthDefense.org, who has just written The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health. Mr. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., thank you very much for joining us on the program today.
ROBERT F. KENNEDY, JR.: And thank you for having me, James, and also thank you for all of your extraordinary work for keeping the public informed so that we can actually maybe restore some democracy to the world.
CORBETT: Well, I appreciate that. Let's start by talking about the cultural moment that we're in, in which I note, as we're recording this conversation it's the 18th of November there in the United States. As we are talking, this book, The Real Anthony Fauci, is currently the #3 best seller on Amazon. While people should not be lining the pockets of Jeff Bezos, obviously, I think [it] speaks to the fact that obviouslysomething is happening in the zeitgeist right now where this information, speaking specifically about Anthony Fauci, but in a similar way, I would say to my Who is Bill Gates? documentary, using Fauci as a hub from which we can explore many spokes of the crisis that we're living through right now. Obviously people are hungry for this information at the moment. But first, can you just speak to why you decided to write this book specifically about Fauci?
RFK, Jr.: Well, I think for the same reasons that you've been exploring. We've seen, over the past 20 months, a coup d'état against liberal democracy globally, and one of the key players is this kind of medical cartel, and medical technocracy. There's an entire coalition of what I would [call]—I think we’re all starting to see it—sinister forces: pharmaceutical companies, the intelligence agencies, medical bureaucracies, the social media titans, and the mainstream media that are all wrapped up in . . . and the military, if I didn’t mention them. They’re all kind of wrapped up in the obliteration of constitutional rights globally and the use of a health crisis to impose totalitarian controls.
And one of the ways they've been able to get rid of it is this avuncular presence who is the face of the technocracy, the face of the demolition, [the face of] the obliteration of constitutional rights—this avuncular, you know, steady authoritative medical figure, Anthony Fauci, who is the leading panjandrum of the medical establishment for 50 years. He's kind of the J. Edgar Hoover of public health without J. Edgar Hoover’s bad reputation. He has been the trusted advisor to six presidents and is a person who is widely applauded. His medical opinions, as little sense as they make, are treated literally as gospel by the mainstream press, the social media, globally. Many—unfortunately—people from my political party, from the Democratic Party, have really seen him as almost a demigod.
And, well, I, because of my peculiar history . . . I have spent 40 years litigating on the issue of regulatory capture. I brought over 500 lawsuits against pharmaceutical companies and big corporations. And probably a quarter of the lawsuits that I brought have been against government agencies, like the EPA, that are subject to this dynamic of regulatory capture, which is very, very well documented in peer-reviewed publications and the popular press. But it's the mechanism by which regulatory agencies become the sock puppet of the industries that they're supposed to regulate. They become really kind of subsidiaries of those industries. And Tony Fauci is kind of the spearhead of an agency that has experienced regulatory capture in a way that is on steroids. And part of the reason is these unprecedented financial entanglements between the pharmaceutical companies and the agencies that regulate them that we do not see in the environmental space.
You know, EPA is a captured agency. It does the bidding of Big Oil, Big Coal, the chemical industry, the big industrial agriculture. And I spent a lot of time suing them when they did sweetheart deals to issue permits that were illegal. But in the pharmaceutical and the medical sphere, you have these financial links. For example, FDA receives 45% of its annual budget from pharmaceutical companies. The NIH has thousands of pharmaceutical patents. And the CDC spends about $4.9 billion a year out of its $12 billion budget, so about 40%, close to 40%, buying and then distributing vaccines. So it really is a front man—it is the biggest vaccine company in the world.
And the metrics that are used within the agencies to measure whether or not you're going to get promoted, whether you're going to get advanced, whether you're going to get your bonuses and salary raises, almost all of them have to do with how well you promote vaccine uptake. So, people do not get rewarded in those agencies for finding problems with vaccines. They get rewarded for covering up problems.
And then some of the agencies directly profit from vaccine sales. For example, as I’ve said, NIH owns thousands of medical patents, including half the patent for the Moderna vaccine. So, Tony Fauci’s agency stands to make billions and billions of dollars if they succeed in getting that vaccine approved, mandated, etc. And Tony Fauci was able to choose to designate four of his high-level employees, who each get individual patent shares, and they will collect $150,000 a year for life if the Moderna vaccine is approved, which it has been.
So, it’s like if EPA got half of its budget from the coal industry or from the oil industry and the amount of money that went into its budget was based upon sales of coal and oil, the mercantile impulses and the commercial impulses would subsume the [EPA's] regulatory functions. And that's exactly what's happened [to the NIH and NIAID]. They are no longer regulatory agencies. They're not public health agencies. They are vaccine and pharmaceutical companies. And Tony Fauci's agency, in particular, no longer does public health, and he doesn't do public health. He does pharmaceutical promotions. He will never talk publicly about the improvements in public health that have occurred since he came into office 50 years ago.
And it's not a good story. In 1984, when he became the big boss [of NIAID], 6% of the American public had a chronic disease. By 1986, 11.6% or 11.8% of Americans had a chronic disease. And today it's 54%. By chronic disease, I mean neurological disease (ADD, ADHD, speech problems like Tourette’s syndrome, narcolepsy, ASD, autism); allergic disease (like peanut allergies, food allergies, asthma, anaphylaxis); and then the autoimmune diseases (like juvenile diabetes, rheumatoid arthritis). When Tony Fauci took over that agency, nobody had even heard of those diseases, really. One in 10,000 people my age have autism. One in every 34 people my kids' age have full blown autism. Tony Fauci’s job is to make sure that doesn't happen and to find the sources of those chronic diseases. Why did food allergies suddenly appear in 1989? Why did we see all these people with celiac disease and peanut allergies beginning in that year? Why did we see rheumatoid arthritis and juvenile diabetes?
Clearly, there is an environmental toxin. Genes do not cause an epidemic. They may provide the vulnerability, but you need an environmental toxin. And his job is to identify the toxins so that we can then eliminate them. But that’s not what he does. And as a result, we've seen this dramatic explosion [of toxins] and decline in public health. You know, we have the worst infant mortality rate of the top 25 nations. When he came into office, we were the healthiest people; today, we’re the unhealthiest people in the industrialized world. We’re 79th in terms of the overall public health metrics. We consume three times the pharmaceutical products of any other Western nation, we pay the highest prices [for medicine], and we are by far the sickest.
And it's largely, as I show in the book, Tony Fauci [who] is responsible. He's not solely responsible. He, however, could have prevented the whole thing. He could have. His job was to identify those problems and lead the way to eliminating them. And he could have done that. And that's not what he's doing. He's turned that agency into an incubator for pharmaceutical products. Between 2009 and 2016, there were some 240 products approved by FDA—new drugs—that all came out of Tony Fauci’s shop. He has a $6.1 billion budget, which he distributes to colleges and universities to do drug research for various diseases. He has another $1.7 billion that comes from the military—that essentially is to do bioweapons research. And that's why he had to do the gain of function. He was locked into that. 68% of his personal salary comes from doing that military, bioweapons research, which used to be called dual use. It's illegal for anybody to do bioweapons development and manufacturing, but there's an exception in the 1972 Act. Research and development that is for dual use is, in other words, research that is useful for developing bioweapons but is also useful for vaccines.
So you can say, "I'm doing vaccine research," then you can do bioweapons research, backdoor bioweapons research, and that's what he did. And after the anthrax attacks in 2001, the Pentagon and the CIA began pouring money into bioweapons research. And the Pentagon was nervous about doing it itself because of the ban—the prohibition on it. So, those cohorts began funneling money to Tony Fauci to do it, because he could legitimately say, "Well, I'm not really doing bioweapons research, I'm doing vaccine research."
And then a bunch of his old bugs escaped in 2014 from his lab and from other people's labs, and 300 scientists signed a letter to President Obama asking him to stop Tony Fauci. And that's when he began funneling a lot of this money to the Wuhan lab and partnering with Chinese military scientists and teaching them not only how to develop—how to take bat coronaviruses and make them transmissible and pathogenic and virulent to human beings—but also his specialty with one of his chief scientists, Ralph Baric, from the university of North Carolina, developed a technique, called the "no-see'm technique" for hiding the evidence of the human engineering of those viruses. And Baric, who was funded by Fauci and shared that research with Shi Zhengli, the Chinese scientist known as “bat lady,” was able to master the technique.
And, you know, these people are all publishing on this stuff, and they weren't embarrassed about it. And the Chinese were very, very open that this was weapons research. They didn't pretend it was vaccine research. They were, like, "This is weapons research, and we are glad we're able to do it." Fauci was giving them millions and millions of dollars. But the biggest contributor was the CIA, which gave about $69 million, through USAID, to do that kind of research. And then the Pentagon, through DARPA, which gave about $39 million to do that. And the three of them were all working in tandem. Smaller amounts [of money were] coming from Homeland Security and the other agencies. And they were teaching the Chinese how to weaponize bat viruses.
CORBETT: Well, let's stop for a moment, because describing Anthony Fauci as "the J. Edgar Hoover of public health" is such a perfect description that I'm going to steal it, because I think it gets to the heart of what we're discussing here, which is that this man has somehow or other managed to take over a relative backwater of the Washington bureaucracy. As you point out, in 1984, who was talking about NIAID? No one; it was a "nothing" agency. It is now . . .
RFK, Jr.: Because infectious disease had basically stopped causing mortalities after the Spanish flu—and the "Spanish flu" was not a flu. And as Tony Fauci himself wrote in 2008, he really documented the fact it was a bacteriological infection. So, there's no reason to be scared of it anymore, because it can be obliterated in two days by antibiotics. Really, in this century, you've seen the complete decline of infectious disease mortalities. And by 1980, infectious disease mortalities were such an infinitesimal threat to Americans that the Reagan administration was talking about abolishing NIAID and CDC that year. And in those agencies, they were talking about: "We gotta find a pandemic in order to justify our existence."
And I show in the book, again and again, they fabricated pandemics. They fabricated a flu pandemic in 1976. And then, in 2005, an avian flu pandemic. Swine flu in 2009—a complete fabrication. In fact, in 2005, one person died in a pandemic, and they spent $40 billion on vaccines and had mandatory vaccine programs globally. They do this again and again, and I show it [in my book], again and again. Zika was Tony Fauci’s phony pandemic. Zika was completely unassociated with microcephaly. He went to Congress and said that Zika was causing kids to be born with small heads, and he got $2.2 billion for his agency to get a vaccine. And as it turns out, Zika was no threat to anybody and definitely did not cause microcephaly. It was all fabricated.
And he's done this again and again and again, the same playbook, to use it to clamp down totalitarian controls and to sell pharmaceutical products, use these fake pandemics. And I'm not saying COVID is fake, because it isn’t. But the response to it has not been a medical response. It's been a militarized and a monetized response that is very, very much pre-calculated.
CORBETT: Well, let's get into the specifics of how this type of scare can be manipulated, because that's something that we need to wrap our minds around to understand what's happening right now. And in chapter four of your book—in fact, several chapters deal with Fauci’s involvement in the AIDS crisis and AZT and that scandal. But in chapter four of your book, you specifically go through how the AIDS crisis that Fauci was at the helm of there in the 1980s was essentially the template for what was to come during the generated crisis of the past two years. And you talk about "pumping up pandemic fears to lay the groundwork for larger budgets and greater powers, incriminating an elusive pathogen, fanning hysteria by exaggerating disease transmissibility, periodically stoking waning fear levels by warning of mutant super strains and future surges," etc., etc. There's a list of about 20 different ways in which the AIDS crisis can be seen as a template for what has happened over the past couple of years. Can you elaborate a bit about that?
RFK, Jr.: One of the things that he did during the AIDS crisis, he was able to go through a struggle with the National Cancer Institute, because the initial signal of AIDS was Kaposi's sarcoma, which is a cancer. And so the AIDS went to the National Cancer Institute, and he was able to use studies that show that maybe it's a viral infection caused by HIV to get control of all that new funding. And he went up to billions of dollars and that really made him the boss. But he didn't know how to develop drugs, and the NIAID had no capacity at that time to develop drugs—and the National Cancer Institute did and knew how. They had big labs, you know, it was developing cancer drugs. His agency didn't know how. So, it really had to rely on a private pharmaceutical company, which is now Glaxo; it was then Glaxo Wellcome.
That drug appeared to kill HIV. But it killed HIV because it killed everything that it touched. It was a really toxic chemotherapy drug. It was so toxic, it killed all the mice in the chemotherapy experiment. And the guy who developed it actually had thrown it on a junk pile and didn't even patent it because he said, "This can never be used." Chemotherapy, if you give it for two weeks, kills every cell in the DNA in human bodies. But you're hoping that it kills the tumor first, before it kills the person. It was Tony Fauci’s idea to give that chemotherapy jab to people for life, which of course it means their life was going to be extremely short, which is exactly what happened. He had to shorten the clinical trial, because within six weeks, it was killing everybody in the clinical trial. And the way he kept them alive is by pumping the people in the AZT group with daily—in some cases, daily—blood transfusions and not giving the transfusions to the HIV-infected people in the placebo group. The transfusions kept them alive, allowed him to claim this was a miracle drug and he got it approved in record time. It was a rush emergency use approval. And at the end, he declares, "It's so effective that it's unethical to continue the trialsm and we’re going to unblind them and give it to all the people in the placebo group"—exactly what he did with the vaccines.
And then, by that time, there were community doctors all over America that were finding repurposed drugs that were really effective against the symptoms of AIDS, things that actually killed people—the pneumonia and, you know, all of these other symptoms that killed people. And in order to get his AZT approved for emergencies, he had to kill those drugs. So, he suppressed them, he punished doctors. He wouldn't allow FDA to approve any of them. He wouldn't allow fast-track approval. My uncle was fighting with him and fighting with him—Ted Kennedy, who was the chair of the health committee—to force him to do fast track approvals for those drugs that these wonderful community doctors were using. And what happened is people who had AIDS were quickly recognizing that AZT was killing their friends who got on it. And they were desperate to get these other drugs.
And so they had these buyers clubs that popped up all over the country. The movie Dallas Buyers Club was originally written about Tony Fauci as the villain because he was the one that was preventing all these people from getting their hands on these working medications because there was no profits in them for the drug industry. And so, you had these buyers clubs, where people would go to Mexico or they'd go to Europe, or they'd go [to] Canada and they'd get these drugs and bring ’em back and distribute them to people.
And so, it's the same thing he did now—suppressing Ivermectin, hydroxychloroquine, monoclonal steroids. You know, all of the things that we know are very effective against COVID—anti-inflammatories, the anticoagulants. You know, the antibiotics that work, actually work—vitamin D, zinc. And all those things get suppressed. So, there's only one solution. Back then, it was AZT for AIDS. Today, it’s the vaccine. It's always a deadly experimental drug that wipes out the . . . and then he has to abbreviate the clinical trials and declare it's a success. That's one of the times. He's done that again and again and again and again throughout his long career.
CORBETT: Right. As you say in the book, it's a well-worn, dog-eared playbook that he's playing from, precisely because it has worked in the past and it's continuing to work to this day. As you say, his avuncular attitude sort of deflects all the criticism that never seems to really land on him. But you paint a very vivid picture in this book of a particular instance of how Fauci has wielded his power over his fiefdom to suppress dissent against him. And that was the story of Dr. Peter Duesberg. Tell people about how the career of Peter Duesberg was completely derailed by Fauci.
RFK, Jr.: Well, Duesberg was the most brilliant virologist in the world. He’d won more NIH rewards than anybody else. He'd won virtually every award that could be won in virology. And he was clearly going to win the Nobel Prize for finding an oncogene, which is a cancer-causing gene which he discovered. And it launched an entire discipline in virology. And then he himself went back and looked at it and he said, "This doesn't make any sense from an evolutionary point of view." And he wrote the paper that exploded his own theory and lost him the Nobel Prize. But he didn't care about anything except integrity. And he was really—he is, he's still alive—this incredible, highly, highly respected scientist, and he did not believe that the deaths that were being attributed to AIDS from '81 to '84—he did not believe that they were being caused by HIV. He believed that they were largely the result of poppers and a whole constellation of drugs—of heroin, speed, methedrine, cocaine—that were the part of the fast-track, post-Stonewall gay lifestyle.
What he was saying is now accepted science. Kaposi sarcoma, which was AIDS, is no longer even listed as a symptom of AIDS. It's now understood that it is an environmental result and that it’s caused by poppers, which is alkyl nitrite, which was a ubiquitous drug that was used in the gay community. It was sold in every gay bar, and, at the end of the night, the gay bars would declare: "Last call for alcohol, last call for poppers." It was sold in the bathhouses and the nightclubs and everything else, and a hundred percent of the people originally diagnosed with AIDS were popper users.
And so, Duesberg did this exhaustive research and published a groundbreaking paper and then became a huge critic of Fauci. And I show in my book how Fauci was able to use strategically placed money to control all this research—$6.1 billion in research grants to get the universities to shut him out; to get him denied all awards, invitations to conferences; to punish his graduate students, so nobody would take his courses; and to destroy his career. And he succeeded at doing that. He really isolated him, and he made Duesberg a pariah. And he refused to debate him. He silenced him. And that's the problem. Whether Duesberg was correct or not, I don't reach a conclusion on that. I say, specifically, "I don't know." But Duesberg's arguments make a lot of sense, and his book is absolutely persuasive.
There's tens of thousands of articles on AIDS and HIV, and I haven't read them all, so I'm not eligible or competent to make a judgment. But what I do know is that science is dynamic and there ought to be debate. And any time somebody says there's a consensus in science, that person is a liar and they're manipulating you, because the phrase "scientific consensus" is oxymoronic.
I was part of the legal team on the Monsanto case, where we won $2.2 billion. We won three cases in a row—the last one we took $2.2 billion. And then we settled on Roundup. And in that case, Monsanto came to court with top scientists from the country—from Harvard and Stanford. And they made very, very convincing presentations on what they said was consensus science. And then we brought up our scientists from Harvard and Stanford who were looking at the same data and coming up with a different conclusion. And under cross examination, we were able to prove that their scientists were wrong, ours were right, and persuade a jury to give these huge judgments.
Medicine is about consultations, it's about debate, it's about conversation. It's not about one guy sitting up there and saying, "This is the answer." And if we want good policies for everything in a democracy, we need a free flow of information. And we need ideas to try them in the marketplace. And what Fauci has succeeded in doing in this country is really shutting down debate completely. And [there is] this extraordinary capacity that he's developed—the relationships with the media, the social media and the medical cartel and intelligence agencies—to literally shut down debate on any issue that he wants to simply proclaim as truth.
CORBETT: Well, let's move on to another part. I know we have limited time today and I want to cover what you talk about in chapter seven of your book, because I'm sure everyone by this point has heard—and if not, they should at least look it up about “BeagleGate,” as it has been termed, and the horrific experiments on animals that were funded through Fauci's agency. But not a lot of people have probably heard about what you cover in chapter seven of this book, "Dr. Fauci, Mr. Hyde: NIAID's Barbaric and Illegal Experiments on Children," which for me personally, as a father of two beautiful, wonderful, healthy children, whom I love more than life itself, this chapter was the most difficult to read through. But perhaps you can share some of this information with the listeners.
RFK, Jr.: Well, it’s a part of a pair of chapters—one of them about his experiments on children with these novel chemotherapy drugs that they were testing out for AIDS in the United States, and then the other one on children and pregnant mothers in Africa. And they were both just equally horrific. And in the United States, the only way he got most [subjects] of his experiment [was that] he has targeted, throughout his career, blacks and Hispanics for these kinds of medical experiments. And in this case, he was able to get control of foster homes in seven states and essentially turn these pharmaceutical companies loose on these children. And the experiments that were conducted were absolutely barbaric. The children were tortured. They did not have legal representation, which is illegal. They did not have guardians. You cannot put a child into a clinical trial in this country without an independent guardian, and he made sure that those kids did not have guardians.
And they were literally tortured to death. The children who refused—who stopped taking the drugs because they made them so sick—many of these kids did not have HIV. So they were getting no benefit from these drugs. They were just being used as guinea pigs, and the children who refused or were noncompliant were sent to Columbia Hospital and had feeding tubes installed in them so that the drug companies could continue to administer the drugs, even when the kids fought back. And at least 85 of these kids died during the experiments.
Celia Farber, who is an incredible researcher who worked with me on this chapter in the book, actually found a graveyard up in the Hudson Valley, north of New York City, in Hawthorne, New York—it's called Gates of Heaven Cemetery—where there was a pit. It was covered by an Astroturf carpet and it had hundreds and hundreds of tiny coffins haphazardly piled in that pit with the bodies of these children. And we don't know where a lot of those kids came from, but we know that at least 85 of them were casualties of Tony Fauci's experiments.
And then, after New York, he took that roadshow to Africa and ended up killing a lot of pregnant mothers in Africa—and getting away with it because of the power of his agency, his contacts. His whole thing fell apart at one point, but he was able to use his contacts with President Bush. They were really to get him out of a jam. And I talk about that, and I give detail there.
As you know, there's 2,200 footnotes in the book, and every statement in there is sourced—and cited—to government databases or to peer reviewed publications or to good sources. So the story's incredible.
I think the most important story in the book is in the last chapter, which is called “Germ Games,” which talks about the orchestrated, planned use of pandemics to clamp down totalitarian control. And it was a surprise to me. It was all new research. Nobody has seen this before, but the deep, deep involvement of the intelligence agencies in pandemic planning, which is weird because, you know, why the CIA? It’s not a health agency. It doesn't do public health. It does coups d'état. A lot of people know about Event 201, which was this extraordinary pandemic planning event, a simulation that was put on in October 2019. It was hosted by Bill Gates and by Avril Haines, the former director of the CIA. She's now the head of the National Security Agency—the top spy in our country. And the people—it's an extraordinary group of people—were simulating a coronavirus pandemic worldwide in October 2019.
We now know from the National Security Agency that the pandemic almost certainly escaped from the Wuhan lab on September 12th and it was circulating already in Wuhan, a month before this pandemic took place, and the Chinese knew about it. And at this simulation was George Gao, who's the head of the Chinese CDC. And then they have representatives from the drug companies, the social media companies, the mainstream media companies like Bloomberg and Washington Post, and health agencies, and they're simulating a pandemic. And they're not simulating, "How do you get vitamin D to people, and how do you get zinc and how do you stockpile Coricidin, and how do you create grids to hook [up] the 11 million doctors in the world, to figure out what protocols are working and what repurposed medications are working? How do you quarantine the sick and not the healthy? How do you preserve the Constitution in the midst [of a pandemic]?" None of that was discussed. It was all, "How do you use the pandemic as a pretense to clamp down totalitarian controls and obliterate and deconstruct democracy?"
And the last simulation, which is called "Seminar Four," was all about, "How do you get the social media companies to censor any discussion of a lab-generated coronavirus epidemic?" It's pretty amazing. You're thinking, "Do they think we're stupid?" when you read this. What I found out [and reveal] in the book was that [the October 2019 simulation] was not a one-off event—that they had probably around 20 of these events. I document, I think, 14 of them, beginning in 2000. They're called Operation Lock Step. It's: "How do you get all of the countries—all of the liberal democracies of the world—to pivot and turn into dictatorships overnight?" Many of them are sponsored by Gates and The Hopkins Population Center. The one thing they all have in common is a huge, huge presence by the CIA. And they are all orchestrated—the scripts are written by them. There are famous people involved in many of them: Madeleine Albright, Senator Frank Church, other senators and congressmen, [Bill] Gates, and they involved hundreds of thousands of people. They involve frontline workers—not only health[care] workers, but from the utilities, from the oil companies, from the police [and] firefighters in all the cities around [several countries]—Canada, the United States, Europe, Australia. And they did them all simultaneously in all these countries. It's really chilling, I think, for people to read.
CORBETT: Absolutely. Yes. And I was impressed by the thoroughness of that chapter, actually. You uncovered a lot of detail about a lot of these different drills, going all the way back to Dark Winter [in 2001], which I'm sure my audience will be familiar with by now. You have a lot of detail in there and how that then relates to the anthrax attacks of a few months later that were miraculously predicted by several of the people associated with Dark Winter.
RFK, Jr.: But the anthrax attack happened; there were Senate hearings on the Dark Winter anthrax attacks. It had prepared the whole country for an anthrax attack weeks before the anthrax attack. And it turns out the anthrax attack—although they blamed Saddam Hussein and we went to war—it turned out, when the FBI completed its investigations, [that the anthrax] came from the one of three US military labs. And I talk about the identities of the people who were highly likely to have been involved.
CORBETT: Exactly right. And you talk about the TOPOFF drills, which I haven't heard talked about since the 2000s. You even brought up one that I had never heard of yet—MARS 2017. So, I'm learning new stuff from that chapter as well. And as you say: 2,200 footnotes in this book! It is a treasure trove for researchers like myself, and I'm sure I will be making use of that research in my coming reports, so thank you for doing that research.
But let's take a step back to the bigger picture of what this book is about and what it represents, because hopefully—I would sincerely hope—this best-selling book will have an effect towards, hopefully, exposing Anthony Fauci and what he has been involved with over the years—the blood that is on his hands. And hopefully then, of course, prompting a resignation and a disgrace of that career. I would sincerely hope that. But I would assume that's not the end goal of all of this. Because, as I'm sure you know, if you got rid of a Fauci, there'd be a hundred mini-Faucis willing to take his place. So what is that end goal? What are we actually reaching towards when we're confronting this coming biosecurity state?
RFK, Jr.: Well, listen, I talk about the Milgram experiment as to how the intelligence agencies and the health agencies have really developed these extraordinary techniques for using fear to disable critical thinking. And if you look at the whole rationale behind this pandemic, all of these rationales collapse when you look at them. Why are we mandating vaccines that don't prevent transmission? What is the possible reason? And that's just one of the many, many absurdities of what we're doing today. But people who are subsumed in the orthodoxy, which is the product of orchestrated fear, misinformation, and propaganda, need to be woken up.
And, as they learned [from] the Milgram experiment, thirty-three percent of people will violate their own conscience, their own deeply held values, if they're ordered to do so by a medical authority. And I was able to connect for the first time in the Milgram experiment to the CIA—to the CIA ties. It's one of the things they learned: When you put everybody under house arrest and you impose this kind of Stockholm syndrome, that makes people grateful to their captors and believing that the only way to survival is through absolute obedience and compliance, those fear levels keep people in this state of mass psychosis or hypnosis.
And what we need to do, James—and I know this is what you've been trying to do for years in your work as well—is just to wake people up. Because, as you know, liberals in our country do not believe in censorship and they do not believe in mandatory medical products and giving things to children that are not proven to be good for them. And all of these things.
CORBETT: They don't blindly trust Big Pharma, right? Or the intelligence agencies, right?
RFK, Jr.: It goes against all of their values and all of their expressed aspirations as a party. And it's a war on the poor. Let's face it, many, many more people have died . . . we made this deal in 1990—the early 1990s, that is—globalists telling the developing world: "If you hook into our commodity or our economy, you start producing commodities rather than subsistence farming, we're going to lift you all out of poverty." One year we shut down the whole global economy, and we tricked them into joining it, and now they can't sell any of their products. There's a hundred million children around the globe that are put into starvation or food insecurity that is going to disable them for a lifetime with malnutrition. Their IQs, everything else, their functionality is far worse—tragically far more deaths from the lockdown than from COVID. And they're definitely young people as opposed to older people.
And where I live, the death rate from COVID in my community, which is Brentwood, is one-third the death rate in Compton. So, all these liberals who think they're doing the right thing by putting on masks and staying in their houses, they're killing people in the poor neighborhoods who are being just destroyed by this lockdown—and they're not making those connections. And what I think we need to do is to wake people back up. And once they wake up, they'll do the work for us of restoring democracy. But we need to wake them up. And the others know the perils for them in that—and that's why they're going out of their way to silence us, because they cannot afford to have those people woken up. It won't just be disgrace and firing for Fauci. It would be Nuremberg trials and, you know, playing with . . .
CORBETT: This is it. Yes. The charges that you not only bring, but document and really prosecute, in this book are extremely serious. And if we take them seriously, yes, there are some serious consequences to what's coming here. So, having said that, I fully agree and I'm on board with that agenda. Having said that, I opened today's conversation with a sarcastic reference to “the Disinformation Dozen,” which you've been enshrined in—because obviously my audience, my regular audience, will see that for the nonsense that it is. However, even within our movement—"our" movement?—of people who supposedly would be on our side, I guarantee you, there will be people, even in my own audience, in the comment section, screaming that "Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. is controlled opposition and James is a shill for having interviewed him"—not really recognizing that we are in, I think, the most profound peril towards human liberty that we have seen in our lifetime, facing the construction of a biosecurity state that is going to undermine all of the tenets of Western jurisprudence that we have taken for granted all our lives. We are in the fight for our life, and people are busy fighting each other moreso than fighting the real enemies here. And I want to direct people to a speech that you gave at the Ron Paul Institute in Washington recently, "Pandemic and the Road to Totalitarianism" where you, I think, reach out and make that call for unity. Can you share some of your thoughts on that?
RFK, Jr.: I can go even further than you just went, because I think this is a historical jeopardy to humanity that we've never seen before. The Black Plague and World War II are arguably rivals for it. But I would argue, this is the worst thing that's ever happened to humanity, because the essential ambition of the totalitarian state is to control, not just conduct, but self-expression and thought. And for the first time in history, because of the technological revolution, the capacity for totalitarian forces to literally control every aspect of human expression and even human thought is now unprecedented.
Bill Gates brags that he's going to be able to watch, with his 60,000 satellites, every square inch of the earth, 24 hours a day. At least in other parts of history, you could run and you could hide and you could collect forces and begin an opposition. We can't do that anymore. The Chinese have already deployed this vast array of facial recognition that claims to be capable of reading guilt on people by looking at facial expressions from a distance and deciding whether somebody is guilty. So it's literally pre-crime. It's like Minority Report, and that's where we are today. In Hitler's time, you could run for a border. You There were always a certain number of people were going to escape and regroup, and there was opposition from other countries.
Today, we have this situation where the US military and the CIA are conspiring with the Chinese CIA or the Chinese CDC and military scientists, developing bioweapons together and lying, conspiring to lie to the public. We have communications between Fauci and the Chinese instructing him what to do and what to say in order to hide the origins of this virus. So, we have US federal officials who are conspiring with Chinese military officials to hide truth from the American public. And then you look at Australia and Canada: these irreplaceable democracies are now totalitarian regimes where they're literally building concentration camps.
So I would say this is Armageddon—the apocalyptical forces of ignorance and greed and totalitarianism. And this is the final battle. We need to win this one.
CORBETT: I agree with you. This is the fight for the future of the human species, because we are at that level where totalitarianism on a scale, never before imaginable is now not only imaginable, but is being implemented. And if we spend our time fighting with each other, then we lose, and we can't afford to lose this. So I really hope that people will understand the gravity of the situation. And I think you lay out a good chunk of that in this book. It's ostensibly about Anthony Fauci, but, as I say, that is just the hub from which you can explore many different spokes.
Finally, finally, before I let you go, I would be remiss in my duties if I did not ask you about something that's in the news at the moment. I'll note a couple of years ago, myself and James Evan Pilato of mediamonarchy.com, we were covering, on New World Next Week, an Instagram post that you made in which you were talking about the compelling evidence that Sirhan Sirhan was not the murderer of your father, but it was Thane Eugene Cesar. And I will link to that edition of New World Next Week, if people are interested. But obviously, right now, as we are recording this conversation, I believe Sirhan Sirhan is still waiting to hear whether or not he was going to be granted parole. What are your thoughts on that?
RFK, Jr.: You know, Sirhan Sirhan obviously took some shots at my father, but it's also very clear that he did not fire the shots that killed my father. Thomas Noguchi, who is a classic coroner, iconic coroner, did not believe that Sirhan could have killed my father. There were 77 witnesses in the kitchen. Sirhan was six feet in front of my father at all times. He fired two shots at my father. We know what happened. One of them hit Paul Schrade, the UAW leader, in the head. He is still alive and fighting for Sirhan because he knows that Sirhan did not kill my father. He was one of my father's closest friends. The other one hit a door jamb behind my father and was later recovered by the police and then destroyed. Sirhan was then grabbed by Rosie Grier, Rafer Johnson, and four other men, who created a dog pile. They put his arm behind him, and they could not get the gun out of him. He had like a superhuman strength. And he fired six other bullets and emptied the chamber. All those bullets hit people. So, all the bullets are accounted for. My father was shot by four bullets from behind. One went through his shoulder pad, one went into his neck—his spinal cord—one was fired directly behind his ear and into his head, and one into his back. The ones that went through his body were fired in an upward trajectory and went into the ceiling. The one lodged in his brain—we have that, and we know it does not match Sirhan's gun.
Thomas Noguchi's autopsy is called in the medical literature "the perfect autopsy," because he did not want it to happen to my dad what had happened in Dallas, where everybody had questions. He flew in the best coroners from all over the country to sit in the theater, including the chief coroner from all the armed services—each one of the services: the Marines, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force—to sit in the theater and watch him. And what he found was that all four of those shots were contact shots. In other words, the barrel of the gun was touching my father's skin or clothing. They each left carbon tattoos on his skin, and whoever fired those shots was standing directly behind my father holding the gun against him.
And the man who was in that position was Thane Eugene Cesar, who was the security guard who had my father's elbow and who directed them towards the table where Sirhan was. Sirhan was clearly a distractor. And everybody was looking at Sirhan while these shots were fired. My father must have known that Cesar was shooting him, because he turned and pulled off Cesar’s clip-on tie, and he turned slightly. He was always facing Sirhan as he fell—died and fell. He had Cesar's tie in his hand. He fell on Cesar. And when Cesar got up, he was seen by a dozen witnesses with his gun out. He later claimed that he had pulled the gun out to fire at Sirhan. But he's changed that story again and again and again, and he disposed of the gun and lied about it.
Lisa Pease did her book on my dad this year, which is a wonderful book. It culminates in some controversial allegation, but I think her research is really impeccable. She was able to find employment applications of Cesar in which he admits that he worked for the CIA. His ostensible job was in the Lockheed plant in Los Angeles. He had gotten a security job a couple of days earlier. He had been the one who directed my dad toward Sirhan.
As you know, the police collected all the photographs that were taken in that room that night—2,800 photographs—and destroyed them before the trial—before Sirhan’s trial. They switched bullets to make it appear that the bullet that killed my father was from Cesar's [correction: Sirhan's] gun. They used a fake bullet that was fired from a gun in their repository, and the LAPD police, who were specifically assigned to investigate his death, were all CIA people who had been pulled out of service in Latin America and brought up to serve on this—it was called Special Unit Senator—and they did a cover-up.
CORBETT: They certainly did. At the very least, there is no doubt that there was a cover-up involved. You raise Lisa Pease's new book, which I know about [but] I haven't read. So, I will read that and hopefully get her on to talk about the case in more detail, but I wanted to bring people up to date on that. Obviously, again, as we sit here, recording this conversation, Sirhan Sirhan is potentially going to be released on parole, so [he's] obviously in the news at the moment. Other than that, most importantly for today's conversation, how do people get a copy of this new book, The Real Anthony Fauci, and please don't say "Jeff Bezos' Amazon"!
RFK, Jr.: I will not do that. The best place you can get it, from our point of view, is from your local bookstore. You can do that by walking in, or you can go online. Most of them have online presences, but the reason that's important is because The New York Times does not pay attention to [it and] we need to get on The New York Times' list, which we should, because we sold a huge, unprecedented number in the first week. If The New York Times is honest, they will put us as a #1 best seller. But they do their list in a strange way, which is, they base it on sales, not on Amazon, but on independent books stores. So, if you can buy the book from an independent bookstore, it is going to help us a lot, and we actually have a list on our website—on CHD's, Children's Health Defense's website—the stores that are the best ones to purchase it from. And it's the Harvard Coop and that wonderful, bookstore in Portland, [Maine]. I forgot the name of it, but I've been there many times. They're the big sort of well-known independent bookstores around the country. That's the best place you can do it.
But if you want to know what you can do for the resistance right now, buy a copy the book. I make no money on the book. I donate all my profits to Children's Health Defense. But we need people to read the book. We need the media, which shuts us out on everything else, to have to acknowledge that this is the bestseller and that people are reading it—that there is an alternative story narrative out there that people are interested in, and force the mainstream media to confront that fact. And the best way to do that, if you have family members who don't agree with you—and, like me, if you have friends who don't agree with you—one of the things that you can do is send them this book for Christmas. Ha ha. And next time they disagree with you, just say, have you read that book? So, it's something everybody can do.
And I know we have a lot of overlapping friends. And you've been out there longer than anybody. And you've educated a lot—the world—James, and I have a really deep, deep debt of gratitude for you, for everything you've done—the deep, deep level of research, but more important than anything else, your reliability as a researcher. I really have tremendous respect for your precision and your discipline about making sure that what you write about is as close to truth as is then available. And I think all of us at our best are engaged in a search for essential truths. People right now have their minds clouded by fear, by propaganda. You're a beacon of clarity in a world that is filled with confusion and lies right now. So, thank you.
CORBETT: Well, I very much appreciate those words. I am just a flawed human being doing my best, but I do do my best to be accurate when I can be. So, I do very much appreciate that acknowledgement and I will, of course, direct people once again to Children's Health Defense, where, obviously, not just your work, but the work of teams of researchers and writers are doing diligent efforts that we often highlight on New World Next Week. So, I will direct people there and to the book itself. I think we'll leave today's conversation there, but hopefully we can have you back on in the future to continue talking about this, the most important event of our lifetime. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., thank you for joining us today.